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10/06/2016 | Statement of Martin Edwin Andersen to Department of Defense Inspector General Glenn Fine, on the Hands-On Role of Senior CHDS/ U.S. Southern Command Staff in the 2009 Honduran Coup, May 23, 2016

De Nuestra Redacción

"Damn those who with their words defend the people, and with their deeds betray them." Mexican liberator Benito Juárez

 

The morning of September 11, 2001 Secretary of State Colin Powell went on record with the adoption by the Organization of American States in Lima, Peru of the Inter-American Charter that the United States would never again engage in toppling an elected government in the Hemisphere by means of a military coup. Eight years later, after a coup d'état overthrew Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, the still newly minted President Barack Obama, my Commander in Chief, told the country that action, a violation of the Charter, was “illegal.” 

If so, some of my senior colleagues at U.S. Southern Command should have been punished for their hands-on role in the coup.  To the best of my knowledge none were, even as Honduras now crashes and burns as the most violent country in the Western Hemisphere. In fact, though part of a 2014 request for investigation by then Senate Armed Service Committee Chair Carl Levin, in a letter last year to Maryland Senator Benjamin Cardin the Department of Defense Office of Inspector General claimed that “allegations unnamed …. personnel were involved in a 2009 coup in Honduras and that the CIA was aware of this, are not appropriate for the DoD IG to address”.

The truth is that, before your arrival as the Inspector General, the DoD IG office’s claim, that they did not have names, was false.  One of numerous misrepresentation in cases like mine, already documented by reporters from McClatchy DC (http://goo.gl/rN6Zpg) and good government groups like the Government Accountability Project, they also told senior Members of Congress interested in getting to the bottom of the wrongdoing that my work as a whistleblower in the case in which a fellow professor at Southcom’s William Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies (CHDS) at the National Defense University—someone who was indicted in late 2013 for his alleged role in the torture and murder of seven detainees in Augusto Pinochet’s Chile— also was “old” news, and thus did not require to be further investigated. 

As you will remember, DoD IG foot dragging prior to your arrival resulted in the Office of Inspector General of the Intelligence Community late last year remanding the Levin request back to your “quality assurance” team for their attention. 

I need to be somewhat circumspect concerning sources and methods in how I tell this story as I wait for a real investigative effort to be undertaken, but here is what I know:

"The United States supports a resolution approved by the Organization of American States on Wednesday calling for Zelaya to be reinstated,” went the official U.S. line in the days after Zelaya was overthrown. A senior administration official said at the time that the deposed president’s expulsion was “unconstitutional and illegal and cannot be tolerated.” 

“In regard to the military, since the swearing-in of the claimant to the presidency, the United States has cut off contact with those who have conducted the coup, and we have reduced, to the extent possible, all other contact,” the ‘Senior Administration Official One’ reported in a July 1, 2009 teleconference background briefing. “On the military side, we still maintain contact necessary for operational and safety issues and humanitarian affairs, but otherwise we’re standing down on our different cooperation programs.” 

In fact, perhaps still unbeknownst to the State Department, part of the real-time coup quarterbacking occurred just blocks from Capitol Hill; I know, I worked as an assistant professor for national security affairs and as the “strategic communicator” for Southcom’s education center at National Defense University.  Despite my public affairs role, and even as they began to discuss it, I was kicked out of CHDS senior staff meetings as they worriedly focused on putting a lid to cover up on how colleagues had helped the coup effort to succeed.  

Southcom’s political syphilis is a tragic gift that indeed keeps on giving, as Honduras has become one of the world’s most dangerous countries. 

Earlier this year, Honduran indigenous environmental activist Berta Cáceres, a winner of the world-renowned Goldman Environmental Prize, was murdered in her home, followed days later by the assassination of a key colleague. Three years before, as National Public Radio reported:

"Honduras is a major stop for drug traffickers; corruption is rampant. Many experts say things got markedly worse after the 2009 coup … The fallout of that coup continues today. ... After ousting Zelaya, the coup government sent the army and police into the streets. They began arresting, beating and even killing anyone who protested against the new government. According to an official truth commission, they were responsible for at least 20 deaths in the immediate aftermath. ...

“'After the coup, a lot of the line taken here by pro-coup people was that the coup was the restoration of democracy, and they sold that in Washington,' says Fulton Armstrong, a former CIA analyst who worked as a senior staffer on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee during the coup. He watched the U.S. response unfold.

“'But when you look at what was actually happening in Honduras, [Zelaya] really was a continuation of a halting but definitely forward-moving consolidation of democracy,' he says." (Italics added.)

I myself was no great admirer of Zelaya, as I mentioned in a Sunday, June 28th e-mail I sent to Frank Mora, the Obama Administration’s newly installed political appointee as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Western Hemisphere. Focusing on my own strategic communications duties, I added: “Military intervention and Zelaya’s subsequent removal, however are not the tools of democratic renovation—and these will be repudiated unquestionably by the OAS and, individually, by virtually all governments in the region. …

My concern here is, and why I am writing, is of a more narrow strategic communications variety. I think it is imperative, if it has not been done already, that a brief be prepared of U.S.—and particularly DoD—relationships with (the armed forces’ head and graduate of the controversial U.S. School of the Americas) Gen. Romeo Velasquez Velasquez and his closest aides.  … Therefore it might be useful for an inventory to be conducted immediately of contacts with Gen. Velasquez Velasquez and his inner circle both before January 20th (when President Obama was inaugurated) and after. … (O)nly by being able to fully and fairly characterize the type and frequency of interaction with Velasquez Velasquez and his associates can an honest and appropriate story line be created …” 

I ended the memo to Mora with, in retrospect, an overly naïve assumption: “U.S. interests will be best served, I believe, if our government can fully and effectively put to rest any rumors or innuendos from the very beginning.”

Within days I found that another senior (and far-right) CHDS staff member, a vicious and vocal critic of Obama, and his minions had coordinated meetings for uniformed Honduran coup representatives on Capitol Hill, including the office of at least one now-retired Senator, and other places in our nation’s capital, even as deadly “mop up” operations took place in Tegucigalpa and in the countryside. 

I had already tangled with the Center’s primary golpista before, as he called colleagues of ours “homos” and “fags,” claiming that the Pentagon under President George W. Bush was run by a “gay mafia,” and singling me out as a “communist.” His chief aide was one of those who claimed that even Southcom tepid human rights programs were “communist crap,” as well as someone who agreed just months before the coup after anti-torture Obama’s inauguration, with another senior colleague who vigorously argued behind closed doors that an increasingly violent Mexico should, in response, adopt Argentine “dirty war” techniques. 

After two mortified colleagues let me in on the dirty secret of CHDS involvement in the Honduras coup, I found I was forced to leave senior staff meetings when it was about to be discussed. Through my own contacts I found that two CIA officials and one “agent” who had found out about the CHDS clandestine role were furious when they knew what had been done.  Concern at the Center ran so deep that one of the discussions focused on how one of the three furious Agency people might be “bought off” so as not to cause trouble—something that, given my own probing about what was happening, I do not believe they were actually able to do.  

Upon learning of the CHDS role in Honduras, I found myself—someone who had already been given the U.S. Office of Special Counsel’s Public Servant Award for my work as national security whistleblower at the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice—to be in a terrible bind not of my own making.  Key involvement in the Honduras coup and behind the scenes advocacy of death squads by people who literally met privately with hundreds of active-duty Latin American military officers each year was accompanied by my discovery that another CHDS colleague had worked for Pinochet’s DINA death squad operation. It was the DINA that had killed an exiled foreign minister, Orlando Letelier, and his American assistant, Ronni Moffitt, in a car bombing near the White House, one of the gravest terrorist attacks in our nation’s capital before 9/11.

A year earlier I first brought up the Garcia Covarrubias case at the Center, noting that if—as was being alleged—the former top aide to the Chilean dictator was in fact involved in torture and murder his case was surely a “strategic communications” problem and needed to addressed quickly.  In response, I was told that I would be in charge of an informal “investigation,” the only caveat being that any initiative I thought necessary needed to be “approved” before I traveled down that path.

As a former special correspondent for the Washington Post and Newsweek in southern South Americaas well as an former expert witness in the Italian government’s own case against Pinochet, I felt somewhat optimistic, although by this time it was clear homophobia, sexism, racism and other wrongdoing was rife at CHDS.  I soon found out, however, that everything I suggested doing was turned down without recourse. It was clear that I was able to do nothing, the Potemkin initiative really a snow job. 

After about a year I was told that I should watch my back because, if I persisted in insisting that the case be investigated, the Center would find a way to get rid of me—this during the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. Ultimately, I was told to provide an e-mail saying that, despite my “investigation,” I had found nothing. Fearing for my family, and mindful of the fact that officially I had not been allowed to do more than Google research, I complied.

Then, a month after the Honduras coup, I authored a petition to President Obama signed by 20 other national security whistleblowers on the need to greatly improve public employee free speech rights. Again I was told that if I knew what was good for me, never to engage in something like that either.

As someone who campaigned tirelessly for Obama in 2008 I waited anxiously for the cavalry to arrive at NDU. Remembering how Federal authorities benched Al Capone not on murder charges, but rather on tax evasion, I began to take more detailed notes on the corruption, racism, sexism and homophobia that oozed from Southcom’s own educational institution. Behind the scenes I helped my Oxford-educated fellow professor, Jim Zackrison, edit his own DoD IG complaint of gross malfeasance.  It was the first of a number of IG requests that went for naught, of the type gross malfeasance within that supposedly vigilant watchdog that was later made part of the public record by McClatchy DC.

Unfortunately, despite six years of “outstanding” annual job evaluations, that cavalry never arrived, even when my colleagues passed around an e-mail portraying First Lady Michelle Obama, the wife of the Commander-in-Chief as an orangutan.  Meeting secretly in the office of a former U.S. Ambassador to Honduras, a small group at the Center schemed to get action to be taken against such racist manifestations against the wife of the Commander in Chief.

For my troubles, I received a lecture from one of my superiors who told me, for a second time, that his mother did not like blacks and used the “n” word, but that did not make her a racist and that I should “back off.” Despite five years of “outstanding” annual performance evaluations, I was then shown the door, nearly two years before they got rid of Garcia Covarrubias, about whose case CHDS officials loudly cited their respect for his rights.

A later AR 15-6 "self-investigation" was done by CHDS, using a supposedly outside investigator and a procedure that never should be used with civilian DoD employees.

Finally, when the Center for Public Integrity got ahold of it using a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request it was discovered that even the report’s domesticated investigative hound had written that "many employees did want to remain anonymous for fear of retribution, citing the examples of Mr. Martin Andersen .... When asked to provide specific examples of retribution for speaking out against the center, employees again would not provide specifics." 

The palpable and documented level of fear alone should have caused the case to be sent immediately to a professional government investigative entity, which of course it was not.

For U.S. Southern Command, the questions remain: 

Are not the clandestine and unpunished involvement in the Honduran coup, as well as the promotion of torture and murder, challenges to the rule of law as well as fundamental American values?  

And—if that is true—Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?

___________________________________________________

 Sen. Patrick Leahy @SenatorLeahy VIDEO: Senator Patrick Leahy On The Life of #BertaCaceres #Honduras https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2cjIxYtOGj0

Senator Patrick Leahy retweeted MartinEdwinAndersen @InsightCaptain

Chilean accused of murder taught 13 years for #SOUTHCOM http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/national/article16508918.html  ‪@sergioaguayo ‪@SenatorLeahy ‪ CHDS urged dirty war 4 Mexico







Berta Cáceres, murdered Honduran environmental activist and leader of the indigenous Lenca people  



Offnews.info (Argentina)

 



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26/04/2004|
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11/04/2004|
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01/01/2003|
01/08/2002|
01/08/2002|
01/08/2002|
01/08/2002|
19/07/2002|
19/07/2002|

ver + notas
 
Center for the Study of the Presidency
Freedom House