The Belgian government has reached the end of its six month EU presidency, which can be considered a relative success in view of the recent crises in the Eurozone, as well as the ongoing stalemate in Belgian parliamentary politics.
IHS Global Insight Perspective
Significance: Belgium's six-month European Union (EU)
presidency has faced a number of challenges, including the Irish debt crisis
and ongoing rows over the 2011 budget, while political impasse at home has
continued to prevent progress towards government formation.
Implications: Most significant for the Belgian presidency
have been difficulties in reaching agreement over the 2011 budget, the failure
of which might have resulted in the 2010 budget being rolled out into next
year.
Outlook: Tackling economic instability will certainly
remain top of the EU agenda in 2011, although Belgium's presidency has made
important strides in bringing member states together to face these challenges.
Objectives for the Presidency
Belgium’s European Union (EU) presidency began on 1 July
2010, following the rotating leadership system in the EU, and is due to end
today. On 1 January 2011 Hungary will take on the role for the next six months,
before passing it on to Poland in July. In the new “trio” format created by the
2009 Lisbon Treaty, Belgium has already presented a joint 18-month programme
for the presidency alongside Spain and Hungary. The final presidency programme
was adopted in Belgium in June 2010 and can be summarised as follows:
• Re-establishing sustainable growth and competitiveness
within the EU following the 2008/09 global financial crisis, including a drive
towards the sustainability goals of the Europe 2020 strategy, consolidating the
Stability Pact and economic governance, and encouraging employment and
innovation across the bloc.
• Forging ahead with progress towards a green economy,
including the formulation of ambitious environmental targets and the
strengthening of legislation relating to the environment.
• Promoting social cohesion, with a focus on combating
poverty and social exclusion, as well as achieving concrete objectives like
reducing violence against women.
• Continuing the Stockholm Programme, begun under the
Swedish presidency, with an emphasis on fundamental rights, privacy, and EU
citizenship, as well as stepping up plans for a new European security
architecture.
• Expanding the EU as a force for peace and security,
with responsibilities to set up the European External Action Service and
preside over the EU’s enlargement policy.
Political Stalemate over Belgian Government Formation
Despite federal elections held over six months ago in
Belgium, multi-party negotiations throughout this period have not been able to
produce a government in the country. As a result, the country’s considerable
responsibilities as EU president have been continually shadowed by the spectre
of ongoing political stalemate in parliamentary politics. In fact, Belgium has
a history of protracted post-election government formation, with negotiations
taking eight months to complete following the 2007 federal election. The
authorities have thereby been able to function reasonably effectively without a
formal government in place and the overall political stability of the country
has not been in serious jeopardy.
Nonetheless, as many political commentators have
observed, the situation this time has been more precarious than in the past;
with the fragile state of Belgium’s economy and a large budget deficit to
tackle, the delays in forming a government have carried greater structural
risks to the country. Most of all, the problem has been the lack of common
ground between the parties involved in the negotiations. In Belgium’s June 2010
election, a pro-separatist party, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), received the
most votes and accordingly gained a seat at the negotiating table. Although the
NVA has claimed that it is in no hurry to separate the country along linguistic
lines, non-Flemish parties have been highly wary of entering a coalition with
the NVA. Consequently, Belgium has been presided over by the defeated
pre-election government since June.
It can be argued that Prime Minister Yves Leterme and his
Flemish Christian Democratic alliance have therefore achieved relative success
in assuming the EU presidency given the fragility of their capacity as
government caretaker. Yet, perhaps owing to this relative weakness, Belgium has
needed to drop some of its own national preferences and embrace the “community
spirit” as EU president.
Tackling the Eurozone Crises
When Belgium assumed the presidency in July, the EU was
already embroiled in a financial crisis that has since threatened the future of
the Eurozone and economic stability across the bloc. During this period,
Greece, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, and even Belgium itself were all included in
debt rating downgrades or warnings. After Ireland defaulted on its deficit
payments, Greece and France drove through measures to establish a permanent
bailout mechanism for potential future financial crises, agreed in the EU
summit in December. Although there was some resistance from member states over
a permanent fund and calls for alternative measures, including the adoption of
joint Eurozone sovereign bonds, the Franco-German plan won out. Germany has
taken a strong stance over fiscal austerity and was able to use its leverage
during the negotiations as a result of its large contribution to the EU’s
multi-billion-euro bailout of member states throughout 2010. In fact, Belgium
itself preferred a short-term increase in the 750-billion-euro (US$1,004
billion) emergency fund, currently in place, in contrast to a permanent bailout
mechanism. As an example of abiding to the principle of “honest broker”, the
Belgian government took the decision to drop its own national preference,
enabling consensus to be achieved over the Franco-German proposal.
Other measures relating to the safeguarding of EU
economic stability also include the establishment in September of a European
Systemic Risk Board to warn of possible financial crises. In December, the
European Commission outlined proposals to enforce more stringent measures on financial
institutions and individuals that break supervision rules, and for these to be
applied more consistently across the bloc. A few days later, the Committee of
European Banking Supervisors revealed tough new restrictions on banks relating
to staff bonuses. These developments all come on the back of the 2008/09
financial crisis, with the Belgian presidency furthering stated EU objectives
to enforce greater discipline, security, and transparency in the financial
sector.
Eventual Compromise over the 2011 Fiscal Plan
Reaching agreement on the 2011 budget has, meanwhile,
proved a monumental task for the Belgian presidency. Negotiations first
faltered in September 2010 after members of the European Parliament (MEPs)
demanded a 6% increase in the annual EU budget as well as a pay rise for EU
institution employees. MEPs also asked for an enhanced say in future budgetary
decisions, relating to the EU’s multi-annual financial framework for 2013-20. A
number of member states, in particular the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and
the Netherlands, were strongly opposed to the idea of greater EU budgetary
contributions, particularly in view of the tightening government purse strings
at home. After almost three months of “conciliatory talks”, MEPs eventually
agreed to a 2.91% increase in budgetary contributions, although they were
forced to accept a fairly limited role in future budgetary negotiations. Member
states, however, agreed to raise the wages for EU institution employees (even
though this increase was a drop in the ocean as compared to the EU’s overall
126.5-billion package for 2011). In light of the time taken to reach agreement
and the fact that the final deal was achieved so close to the new year, there
was considerable relief in Brussels and across the EU. In the event of no deal
being reached, the 2010 budget would have been rolled out into the new year,
effectively representing a budgetary decrease in real terms.
EU Foreign Policy
The EU’s flagship European External Action Service (EEAS)
has now been launched, with the ambition to give the bloc a more active and
coherent voice on the global stage. Under Belgium's presidency, a compromise
was forged over staffing, financing, and the 2010 budget, which enabled the
EEAS to be opened formally on 1 December.
Regarding objectives for EU enlargement, which have
effectively been stalled since the 2008/09 global financial crisis, the Belgium
presidency has needed to preside over acrimonious debates on the accession of
Turkey and some of the Balkan countries. Once again, the Belgian government has
diligently aimed to be an “honest broker” in the negotiations, even dropping
its previous national opposition to opening accession talks with Serbia. Partly
as a result of Belgium’s new position, the Netherlands eased its stance over
the issue. However, little progress has been made by Turkey in the area of
competition policy, as part of its EU accession bid, resulting in talks
scheduled for 22 December being cancelled.
Belgium also played an instrumental part in accelerating progress
towards a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with India while negotiations towards a
trade accord with Mercosur have continued on a stable footing, following the
previous stalemate in negotiations. Pakistan was, meanwhile, granted trade
concessions in response to the widespread devastation in the country after the
July monsoon floods. Perhaps most significant, Belgium’s EU presidency presided
over the signing of a FTA with South Korea. The ambitious agreement is
estimated to be worth some 19 billion euro in new trade for EU exporters
through removing virtually all tariffs between the two economies, in addition
to many non-tariff barriers.
Outlook and Implications
Belgium’s EU presidency is especially notable as it has
been achieved under the framework of the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. The Lisbon Treaty
has diminished some of the powers of the presidency office, in particular
through the creation of a permanent European Council president and a High
Representative for Foreign Affairs. As a result, the EU presidency now needs to
employ a more facilitative position during member state negotiations and aid
the manoeuvring between the additional bodies during discussions. In addition,
in order to push forward legislation, the EU presidency is expected to engage
in “trialogue” discussions, held between the European Commission, European
Parliament, and Council of Ministers.
The Lisbon Treaty has also introduced the “enhanced
co-operation” procedure. This mechanism has in fact been employed in recent
months over the drive towards a common EU patent system. A group of member
states in November announced their intention to forge ahead with a simplified
and cheaper common patent system, and Belgium was required to oversee these
negotiations.
Belgium’s EU presidency has represented a relative
success despite the numerous political difficulties at home. The vice-president
of the European Parliament, the United Kingdom’s Edward McMillan-Scott, has
expressed widespread praise for the country’s efforts: "For a small
country, with well-known current problems, Belgium has overseen issues like the
euro crisis, the budget stand-off and the start of 'Lisbon Europe' with calm
deliberation, commitment and verve." The only obvious failure is the
standstill in negotiations over Turkey’s potential accession to the EU, while
there are looming concerns over future negotiations over the EU’s long-term
budget. There is also some consternation in Brussels about Hungary assuming the
helm on 1 January 2011, owing to a controversial new media law in the country.
Although the Hungarian government has sought to dampen this criticism, the
Eastern European country will be firmly in the spotlight as it takes over
tomorrow, with the first task to preside over the momentous achievement of
Estonia adopting the euro.
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