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23/09/2006 | KENYA - Corruption as Catalyst for Crime

Stratfor Staff

Three gunmen attacked a U.S. Embassy officer as he drove to his home in Nairobi, Kenya, on Sept. 16. The assailants shot the officer through the window of his car, threw him in the backseat and sped away, robbing him of his valuables in the process.

 

The officer was allowed to drive home a few minutes later -- with a bullet wound in the chest. He was treated at a local hospital. Less than a month earlier, four men robbed a U.S. Embassy employee and her husband as they drove to work in Nairobi, and the Russian ambassador to Kenya was stabbed during a roadside robbery on the outskirts of the city.

Incidents like these have become so commonplace that local inhabitants, and even city officials, have nicknamed the Kenyan capital "Nairobbery." The growing threat of robbery, often accompanied by violence, however, is not limited to foreign expatriates -- or to the capital. As crime soars throughout the country, those who choose to visit Kenya for business or pleasure are taking a serious risk.

On Aug. 22, a group of U.S. and British tourists were robbed by six men in traditional Masai dress at an exclusive safari camp in the Masai Mara National Game Reserve. The robbers, two of whom were armed with assault rifles, took cash, passports, cameras and other personal items.

Citing an increase in highway robbery and incidents of banditry in the country's national parks, the U.S. Embassy advises citizens traveling in Kenya to exercise extreme caution in Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu, beach resorts and the Samburu, Shaba and Masai Mara game reserves. The U.S. government advises its employees traveling to Kenya on business not to leave their hotels after dark, when the streets are basically turned over to criminals.

KENYA - Corruption as Catalyst for Crime

In many countries, criminals avoid targeting foreign diplomats and tourists because the government has made it clear -- through the use of effective law enforcement -- that it intends to avoid the serious political and economic repercussions that can follow attacks against these two groups especially. In Kenya, however, criminals do not hesitate to target foreign diplomats, who are easily picked out from the rest of the population by their appearance and their vehicles with diplomatic markings. Criminals see diplomatic personnel, embassy employees and tourists as easy marks -- ones who are guaranteed to be carrying money and valuables.

The Kenyan government may regret and be embarrassed by the attacks, but it has been able to do little to prevent them from occurring. Some effort has been made, such as providing armed escorts for safari groups, but corruption within the government and security forces is so high that it makes the effort ineffective.

Moreover, the situation has worsened over the past several years as aid money from the United States and European Union pours in. U.S. aid to Kenya increased by approximately $45 million a year between 2002 and 2004, and then jumped by another $74 million -- to $240 million -- by 2005. The money, however, is often skimmed off or diverted by corrupt officials, meaning it has not reached beyond the top level of society. As a result, the upper levels of Kenyan society have become more affluent, while the majority remains in poverty. With more wealth there are more opportunities for criminals.

Government and police corruption also has increased. Corrupt police have been known to demand money from tourists and to shake down employees of multinational corporations. There have even been reports that people wearing police uniforms have robbed Westerners. The perpetrators could be criminals posing as police, off-duty officers or both.

There is little indication that Kenya will get its serious crime problem under control any time soon.

 

 

KENYA (Wikipedia):

 

The Republic of Kenya is a country in Eastern Africa. It is bordered by Ethiopia to the north, Somalia to the east, Tanzania to the south, Uganda to the west, and Sudan to the northwest, with the Indian Ocean running along the southeast border.

 

Prehistory

Fossils found in East Africa suggest that primates roamed the area more than 20 million years ago. Recent finds near Kenya's Lake Turkana indicate that hominids such as Homo habilis (1.8 and 2.5 million years ago) and Homo erectus (1.8 million to 350,000 years ago) are possible direct ancestors of modern Homo sapiens and lived in Kenya during the pleistocene. In 1984 one particular discovery made at Lake Turkana by famous paleanthropologist Richard Leakey and Kamoya Kimeu was the skeleton of Turkana boy belonging to Homo erectus from 1.6 million years ago.

As a rare site of dinosaur fossils in Africa, 200 Cretaceous dinosaur/theropod and giant crocodile fossils were discovered in Kenya in 2004: from the Mesozoic Era (over 200 million years ago), the fossils were found in an excavation conducted by a team from the University of Utah and the National Museums of Kenya in July-August 2004 at Lokitaung Gorge, near Lake Turkana.[2]

Colonial history

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to explore Kenya, Vasco da Gama having visited Mombasa in 1498. There followed a period of Portuguese rule centered mainly on the coastal strip ranging from Malindi to Mombasa. The Portuguese colonial presence in East Africa officially begins after 1505, when flagships under the command of Dom Francisco de Almeida bombarded and plundered Kilwa, an island located in what is now southern Tanzania. Following this, the Portuguese sacked Mombasa following the refusal of the town's leadership to pay tribute. Attacks followed on Hoja (now known as Ungwana, located at the mouth of the Tana River), Barawa, Angoche, Pate and other coastal towns until the western Indian Ocean was a safe haven for Portuguese commercial interests and tribute was paid to the Portuguese crown by all of the city-states along the East African coast. The Portuguese colonial presence in East Africa served two primary purposes: the extraction of tribute from coastal polities and the control of trade within the Indian Ocean through piracy. The first objective was only mildly successful by all accounts as local East African rulers rebelled against the Portuguese frequently. However, Portuguese naval vessels were very disruptive to commerce within the western Indian Ocean and were able to demand high tariffs on items transported through the sea due to their strategic control of ports and shipping lanes. The construction of Fort Jesus in Mombasa in 1593 was meant to solidify Portuguese hegemony in the region, but their influence was clipped by the British, Dutch and Omani Arab incursions into the region during the 17th century. The Omani Arabs posed the most direct challenge to Portuguese influence in East Africa and besieged Portuguese fortresses, openly attacked naval vessels and completely expelled the Portuguese from the Kenyan and Tanzanian coasts by 1730.

Omani Arab colonization of the Kenyan and Tanzanian coasts brought the once independent city-states under closer foreign scrutiny and domination than was experienced during the Portuguese period. Like their predecessors, the Omani Arabs were primarily able only to control the coastal areas, not the interior. However, the creation of clove plantations, intensification of the slave trade and relocation of the Omani capital to Zanzibar in 1839 by Seyyid Said had the effect of consolidating the Omani power in the region. Arab governance of all the major ports along the East African coast continued until British interests aimed particularly at ending the slave trade and creation of a wage-labor system began to put pressure on Omani rule. By the late 19th century, the slave trade on the open seas had been completely outlawed by the British and the Omani Arabs had little ability to resist the British navy’s ability to enforce the directive. The Omani presence continued in Zanzibar and Pemba until the 1964 revolution, but the official Omani Arab presence in Kenya was checked by German and British seizure of key ports and creation of crucial trade alliances with influential local leaders in the 1880s. However, the Omani Arab legacy in East Africa is currently found through their numerous descendants found along the coast that can directly trace ancestry to Oman and are typically the wealthiest and most politically influential members of the Kenyan coastal community.

However, most historians consider that the colonial history of Kenya dates from the establishment of a German protectorate over the Sultan of Zanzibar's coastal possessions in 1885, followed by the arrival of the Imperial British East Africa Company in 1888. Incipient imperial rivalry was forestalled when Germany handed its coastal holdings to Britain in 1890. This followed the building of the Kenya-Uganda railway passing through the country. Although this was also resisted by some tribes, notably the Nandi led by Orkoiyot Koitalel arap Samoei for ten years from 1895 to 1905, these did not stop the British building the railway. It is believed that the Nandi were the first tribe to be put in a native reserve to stop them from disrupting the building of the railway.

During the early part of the 20th century, the interior central highlands were settled by British and other European farmers, who became wealthy farming coffee and tea. By the 1930's, approximately 30,000 settlers lived in the area and were offered undue political powers because of their effects on the economy. The area was already home to over a million members of the Kĩkũyũ tribe, most of whom had no land claims in European terms (but the land belonged to the ethnic group), and lived as itinerant farmers. To protect their interests, the settlers banned the growing of coffee, introduced a hut tax, and the landless were granted less and less land in exchange for their labour. A massive exodus to the cities ensued as their ability to provide a living from the land dwindled.

In 1951, Sir Horace Hector Hearne became Chief Justice in Kenya (coming from Ceylon, where he had been Chief Justice) and sat in the Supreme Court, Nairobi). He held that position until 1954 when he became an Appeal Justice of the West African Court of Appeal. On the night of the death of George VI, 5 February 1952, Hearne escorted the Princess Elizabeth, as she then was, to a state dinner at the Treetops Hotel, which is now a very popular tourist retreat. It was there that she "went up a princess and came down a Queen". She returned immediately to England, accompanied by Hearne.

From October 1952 to December 1959, Kenya was under a state of emergency arising from the Mau Mau rebellion against British rule. The governor requested and obtained British and African troops, including the King's African Rifles. In January 1953, Major General Hinde was appointed as director of counter-insurgency operations. The situation did not improve for lack of intelligence, so General Sir George Erskine was appointed commander-in-chief of the colony's armed forces in May 1953, with the personal backing of Winston Churchill. The capture of Warǔhiǔ Itote (General China) on 15 January 1954 and the subsequent interrogation led to a better understanding of the Mau Mau command structure. Operation Anvil opened on 24 April 1954,after weeks of planning by the army with the approval of the War Council. The operation effectively placed Nairobi under military siege, and the occupants were screened and the Mau Mau supporters moved to detention camps. May 1953 also saw the Home Guard officially recognized as a branch of the Security Forces. The Home Guard formed the core of the government's anti-Mau Mau strategy as it was composed of loyalist Africans, not foreign forces like the British Army and King's African Rifles. By the end of the emergency the Home Guard had killed no fewer than 4,686 Mau Mau, amounting to 42% of the total insurgents. The capture of Dedan Kimathi on 21 October 1956 in Nyeri signified the ultimate defeat of the Mau Mau and essentially ended the military offensive.

Post-colonial history

The first direct elections for Africans to the Legislative Council took place in 1957. Despite British hopes of handing power to "moderate" African rivals, it was the Kenya African National Union (KANU) of Jomo Kenyatta, that formed a government shortly before Kenya became independent on 12th December 1963. A year later, Kenyatta became Kenya's first president. At Kenyatta's death in 1978, Daniel arap Moibecame President. Daniel arap Moi retained the Presidency, being unopposed in elections held in 1979, 1983 (snap elections) and 1988, all of which were held under the single party constitution. The 1983 elections were held a year early, and were a direct result of an abortive military coup attempt on August 1, 1982. The abortive coup was masterminded by a lowly ranked Airforce serviceman, Senior Private Hezekiah Ochuka and was staged mainly by enlisted men in the Air Force. The attempt was quickly suppressed by Loyalist forces led by the Army, the General Service Unit (GSU) — paramilitary wing of the police — and later the regular police, but not without civilian casualties. This event led to the disbanding of the entire Airforce and a large number of its former members were either dismissed or court-martialled. The election held in 1988 saw the advent of the mlolongo (queuing) system where voters were supposed to line up behind their favoured candidates instead of secret ballot. This was seen as the climax of a very undemocratic regime and it led to widespread agitation for constitutional reform. Several contentious clauses, including the one allowing only one political party were changed in the following years. In democratic, multiparty elections in 1992 and 1997, Daniel arap Moi won re-election. In 2002, Moi was constitutionally barred from running, and Mwai Kǐbakǐ, running for the opposition coalition "National Rainbow Coalition" — NARC, was elected President. The elections, judged free and fair by local and international observers, marked a turning point in Kenya's democratic evolution.

 

Politics

 

Politics of Kenya takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Kenya is both head of state and head of government, and of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.

Since independence, Kenya has maintained remarkable stability despite changes in its political system and crises in neighboring countries. Particularly since the re-emergence of multiparty democracy, Kenyans have enjoyed an increased degree of freedom.

A cross-party parliamentary reform initiative in the fall of 1997 revised some oppressive laws inherited from the colonial era that had been used to limit freedom of speech and assembly. This improved public freedoms and contributed to generally credible national elections in December 1997.

In December 2002, Kenyans held democratic and open elections, which were judged free and fair by international observers. The 2002 elections marked an important turning point in Kenya’s democratic evolution in that power was transferred peacefully from the single party that had ruled the country since independence to a new coalition of parties

Under the presidency of Mwai Kibaki, the new ruling coalition promised to focus its efforts on generating economic growth, combating corruption, improving education, and rewriting its constitution. These promises have only been partially met, however, as the new government has been preoccupied with internal wrangling and power disputes. In November 2005, the Kenyan electorate resoundingly defeated a new draft constitution supported by Parliament and President Kibaki. Kibaki responded by dismissing his entire cabinet. Kibaki eventually appointed a new slate of ministers, many of whom belong to political parties with which he is allied.

In early 2006, revelations from investigative reports of two major government-linked corruption scandals rocked Kenya and led to resignations, including three ministers. A March 2 media crackdown on the Standard conducted by masked Kenyan police was internationally condemned and was met with outrage by Kenya media and civil society.The matter is still pending in kenyan courts following a government position that the issue was related to state security and was therefore conducted within the parameters of the Kenyan consitution under Preservation of a Public security Act.

Administrative Divisions

The provinces of KenyaThe provinces of Kenya.

Kenya comprises eight provinces each headed by a centrally-appointed Provincial Commissioner, and one area. The provinces (Mikowa) are subdivided into 71 districts (Wilaya) which are then subdivided into 262 divisions (Taarafa). The divisions are then subdivided into approximately 1,088 locations (kata) and then sub location (kata Ndogo). The City of Nairobi enjoys the status of a full administrative province. The government supervises administration of districts and provinces.

The provinces include:

  • Central

  • Coast

  • Eastern

  • Nairobi Area

  • North Eastern

  • Nyanza

  • Rift Valley

  • Western

Geography

Satellite image of Kenya, generated from raster graphics data supplied by The Map Library.

 

 

 

 

The Country

From http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/cia02/kenya_sm02.gif

 

At 224,961 mi² (582,646 km²), Kenya is the world's 47th-largest country (after Madagascar). It is comparable in size to France, and is somewhat smaller than the US state of Texas.

From the coast on the Indian Ocean the Low plains rise to central highlands. The highlands are bisected by Great Rift Valley; fertile plateau in west. The Kenyan Highlands comprise one of the most successful agricultural production regions in Africa. The highlands are the site of the highest point in Kenya (and the second highest in Africa): Mount Kenya, which reaches 5,199 metres (17,057 ft) and is also the site of glaciers. Climate varies from tropical along the coast to arid in interior.

Environment

Kenya has considerable land area of wildlife habitat, including maasai mara, where Blue Wildebeest and other bovids participate in a large scale annual migration. Up to 250,000 Blue Wildebeest perish each year in the long and arduous movement to find forage in the dry season. The "Big Five" animals of Africa can also be found in Kenya and these include the Lion, the Leopard, the Buffalo, the Rhino and the biggest one of them - the Elephant. A significant population of other wild animals, reptiles and birds can be found in the national parks and game reserves in the country. Environment of Kenya is threatened by high population growth and its side-effects (see also Environmental issues in Kenya).

Climate

Kenya enjoys a tropical climate. It is hot and humid at the coast, temperate inland and very dry in the north and northeast parts of the country.

Average annual temperatures:

City

Altitude (metres)

Max (°C)

Min (°C)

Mombasa (coastal town)

17

30.3

22.4

Nairobi (capital city)

1,661

25.2

13.6

Eldoret

3,085

23.6

9.5

Lodwar (dry north plainlands)

506

34.8

23.7

The country receives a great deal of sunshine all the year round and summer clothes are worn throughout the year. However, it is usually cool at night and early in the morning.

The long rain season occurs from April to June. The short rain season occurs from October to December. The rainfall is sometimes heavy and often falls in the afternoons and evenings. The hottest period is from February to March and coldest in July to August.

The annual migration occurs between June and September with millions of wildlife taking part. It has been a popular event for filmmakers to capture.

Economy

After independence, Kenya promoted rapid economic growth through public investment, encouragement of smallholder agricultural production, and incentives for private (often foreign) industrial investment. Gross domestic product (GDP) grew at an annual average of 6.6% from 1963 to 1973. Agricultural production grew by 4.7% annually during the same period, stimulated by redistributing estates, diffusing new crop strains, and opening new areas to cultivation.

Between 1974 and 1990, however, Kenya's economic performance declined. Inappropriate agricultural policies, inadequate credit, and poor international terms of trade contributed to the decline in agriculture. Kenya's inward-looking policy of import substitution and rising oil prices made Kenya's manufacturing sector uncompetitive. The government began a massive intrusion in the private sector. Lack of export incentives, tight import controls, and foreign exchange controls made the domestic environment for investment even less attractive.

From 1991 to 1993, Kenya had its worst economic performance since independence. Growth in GDP stagnated, and agricultural production shrank at an annual rate of 3.9%. Inflation reached a record 100% in August 1993, and the government's budget deficit was over 10% of GDP. As a result of these combined problems, bilateral and multilateral donors suspended program aid to Kenya in 1991.

In 1993, the Government of Kenya began a major program of economic reform and liberalization. A new minister of finance and a new governor of the central bank undertook a series of economic measures with the assistance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). As part of this program, the government eliminated price controls and import licensing, removed foreign exchange controls, privatized a range of publicly owned companies, reduced the number of civil servants, and introduced conservative fiscal and monetary policies. From 1994-96, Kenya's real GDP growth rate averaged just over 4% a year.

In 1997, however, the economy entered a period of slowing or stagnant growth, due in part to adverse weather conditions and reduced economic activity prior to general elections in December 1997. In 2000, GDP growth was negative, but improved slightly in 2001 as rainfall returned closer to normal levels. Economic growth continued to improve slightly in 2002 and reached 1.4% in 2003; it was 4.3% in 2004 and 5.8% in 2005.

In July 1997, the Government of Kenya refused to meet commitments made earlier to the IMF on governance reforms. As a result, the IMF suspended lending for 3 years, and the World Bank also put a $90-million structural adjustment credit on hold. Although many economic reforms put in place in 1993-94 remained, conservative economists believe that Kenya needs further reforms, particularly in governance, in order to increase GDP growth and combat the poverty that afflicts more than 57% of its population.

The Government of Kenya took some positive steps on reform, including the 1999 establishment of the Kenyan Anti-Corruption Authority, and measures to improve the transparency of government procurements and reduce the government payroll. In July 2000, the IMF signed a $150 million Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF), and the World Bank followed suit shortly after with a $157 million Economic and Public Sector Reform credit. The Anti-Corruption Authority was declared unconstitutional in December 2000, and other parts of the reform effort faltered in 2001. The IMF and World Bank again suspended their programs. Various efforts to restart the program through mid-2002 were unsuccessful.

Under the leadership of President Kibaki, who took over on December 30, 2002, the Government of Kenya began an ambitious economic reform program and has resumed its cooperation with the World Bank and the IMF. The new National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) government enacted the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act and Public Officers Ethics Act in May 2003 aimed at fighting graft in public offices. Other reforms especially in the judiciary, public procurement etc., have led to the unlocking of donor aid and a renewed hope at economic revival. In November 2003, following the adoption of key anti-corruption laws and other reforms by the new government, donors reengaged as the IMF approved a three-year $250 million Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility and donors committed $4.2 billion in support over 4 years. The renewal of donor involvement has provided a much-needed boost to investor confidence.

However, the government’s ability to stimulate economic demand through fiscal and monetary policy remains fairly limited while the pace at which the government is pursuing reforms in other key areas remains slow. The Privatization Bill is yet to be enacted and civil service reform has been limited despite the government’s assertion that reforms would be undertaken. The main challenges include building consensus within the loosely bound NARC government, taking candid action on corruption, enacting anti-terrorism and money laundering laws, bridging budget deficits, rehabilitating and building infrastructure, maintaining sound macroeconomic policies, and addressing structural reforms needed to reverse slow economic growth.

Nairobi continues to be the primary communication and financial hub of East Africa. It enjoys the region's best transportation linkages, communications infrastructure, and trained personnel, although these advantages are less prominent than in past years. A wide range of foreign firms maintain regional branch or representative offices in the city. In March 1996, the Presidents of Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda re-established the East African Cooperation (EAC). The EAC's objectives include harmonizing tariffs and customs regimes, free movement of people, and improving regional infrastructures. In March 2004, the three East African countries signed a Customs Union Agreement.

Summary

GDP (2003): $12.7 billion.

Annual growth rate (2005): 5.8%.

Per capita income: $371.

Natural resources: Wildlife, land. Agriculture: Products--tea, coffee, sugarcane, horticultural products, corn, wheat, rice, sisal, pineapples, pyrethrum, dairy products, meat and meat products, hides, skins. Arable land--5%. Industry: Types--petroleum products, grain and sugar milling, cement, beer, soft drinks, textiles, vehicle assembly, paper and light manufacturing.

Trade (2002): Exports--$2.2 billion: tea, coffee, horticultural products, petroleum products, cement, pyrethrum, soda ash, sisal, hides and skins, fluorspar. Major markets--Uganda, Tanzania, United Kingdom, Germany, Netherlands, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Egypt, South Africa, United States. Imports--$3.2 billion: machinery, vehicles, crude petroleum, iron and steel, resins and plastic materials, refined petroleum products, pharmaceuticals, paper and paper products, fertilizers, wheat. Major suppliers--U.K., Japan, South Africa, Germany, United Arab Emirates, Italy, India, France, United States, Saudi Arabia.

Demographics

Kenya is a country of great ethnic diversity. Tension between the various groups accounts for many of Kenya's problems. During the early 1990s, politically instigated tribal clashes killed thousands and left tens of thousands homeless. The KANU regime at the time headed by former President Daniel Toroitich arap Moi was blamed for instigating the violence as a way of discouraging multiparty politics and clinging to power. Ethnically split opposition groups allowed the regime of Daniel arap Moi, in power from 1978 until 2002, to be re-elected for four terms, with the election in 1997 being marred by violence and fraud.

Ethnic groups: Kĩkũyũ 22%, Luhya 14%, Luo 13%, Kalenjin 12%, Kamba 11%, Kisii 6%, Ameru 6%, other African 15%, non-African (Asian/Desi, European, and Arab) 1%.

Religious affiliation: Various Protestant 45%, Roman Catholic 33%, Muslim 10%, Traditional Religions 10%. Others include Hinduism, Jainism & the Bahá'í Faith.

Largest cities in Kenya are Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu, Nakuru and Eldoret.

Culture

Kenya is a diverse country, with many different cultures represented. Notable cultures include the Swahili on the coast, pastoralist communities in the north, and several different communities in the central and western regions. Today, the Maasai culture is the best known, due to its heavy exposure from tourism although it's only a minor tribe.

National dress

Apart from the national flag, Kenya is yet to have a national dress that cuts across her diverse ethnic and racial divide. With each of the more than 42 ethnic communities in Kenya having its own traditional practices and symbols that make it unique, this is a task that has proved elusive in the past. However, several attempts have been made to design an outfit that can be worn to identify Kenyans, much like the Kente cloth of Ghana. The most recent effort is the Unilever sponsored "Sunlight quest for Kenya's National Dress". A design was chosen and though it was unveiled with much pomp at a ceremony in which public figures modelled the dress, the dress design never took hold with the ordinary people. Kitenge, a cotton fabric made into various colours and design through tie-and-dye and heavy embroidery, is generally accepted as the African dress. Though used in many African countries, Kitenge is yet to be accepted as an official dress as it is only worn during ceremonies and non-official functions The Kanga (Khanga, Lesso) is another cloth that is in common use in practically every Kenyan home. The Kanga is a piece of clothing 1.5m by 1m approx, that is screen printed with beautiful sayings in Kiswahili (or English) and is largely worn by women around the waist and torso. Kangas are a flexible item, used in many ways such as aprons, child carrying slings, picnic blankets, swimwear etc. However, except for the Coastal people, it is usually not worn as a full outfit.

Music

Kenya is home to a diverse range of music styles, ranging from imported popular music, afro-fusion and benga music to traditional folk songs. The guitar is the most popular instrument in Kenyan music, and songs often feature intricate guitar rhythms. The most famous guitarist of the early 20th century was Fundi Konde. Other notable musicians of the 60's era include Fadhili Williams (recognised by many as the author of the hit song "Malaika" that was later re-done by Miriam Makeba and Boney M) and Daudi Kabaka.

Popular music in the 80's and 90's could be divided into two genres: the Swahili sound and the Congolese sound. There are varying regional styles, and performers often create tourist-oriented "hotel pop" that is similar to western music. Them Mushrooms, later renamed Uyoga, was one of the popular groups in this era.

In the recent past, newer varieties of modern popular music have arisen which are mostly local derivatives of western hip-hop and rap. Two sub-genres have emerged: "Genge" and "Kapuka" beats. This has revolutionized popular Kenyan music and created an industry dominated by the youth. There is also underground Kenyan hip hop that gets less radio play than Kapuka or Genge due to the fact that it is less club oriented and more focussed on social commentary.Early pioneers include Kalamashaka and K-South. Current artistes popular in this genre currently include Ukoo Fulani MauMau, Mashifta and Chiwawa.

Most artists affilite themselves with a production house which serves the same function as a record company. Some popular production houses include Ogopa DJ's, Homeboyz, Mandugu Digital, Calif Records among others.

Popular artists include Nameless, Redsan, Necessary Noize, Nonini, Juacali, Kleptomaniax, Longombas, Suzzanna Owiyo, Achieng Abura, and others. Their sounds run the gamut from Reggae/ Ragga, Pop, Afro-Fusion to Hip-Hop.

Many Kenyan performers will mix languages in any single song, usually English, Swahili, their mother tongue or Sheng (a hybrid of Kenyan languages and English/Swahili).

The industry is still evolving and there is much more to come from Kenya.

Sports

Kenya is active in several sports, among them football (soccer), rugby, cricket and boxing. But the country is known chiefly for its dominance in cross country and road running, and middle and long-distance athletics. Kenya has regularly produced Olympic and Commonwealth Games champions in various distance events, especially in 800m, 1,500m, 3,000m steeplechase, 5,000m, 10,000m and the marathons. Kenyan athletes (particularly Kalenjin) continue to dominate the world of distance running, although competition from Morocco and Ethiopia has somewhat reduced this supremacy.

The Marathon world record holder, Paul Tergat, and the current women's Boston Marathon champion, Catherine Ndereba, are among the best-known athletes in Kenya.

Retired Olympic and Commonwealth Games champion Kipchoge Keino, who helped usher in Kenya's ongoing distance dynasty 1970s even before fellow Commonwealth champion Henry Rono´s spectacular string of world record performances, is currently Kenya's most famous sportsman.

Lately, there has been controversy in Kenyan athletics circles, with the defection of a number of Kenyan athletes to represent other countries, chiefly Bahrain and Qatar. The Kenyan Ministry of Sports has tried to stop the defections, but they have continued anyway, with Bernard Lagat the latest, choosing to represent the United States.

Kenya is making a name for itself in rugby. Rugby has always been popular in Kenya especially with the Annual Tusker Sevens tournament but only recently has the country began to be noticed on the international circuit. Most notable was their 15-12 win over Australia in the 2003 Hong Kong IRB Sevens tournament. Sevens is slowly on the up and, with a population of almost 30 million people, the country has a lot of talent to pick from.

Kenya has also been a dominant force in ladies' volleyball within Africa, with both the clubs and the national team winning various championships in the past decade.

Film and theatre

Kenya holds one of the biggest annual drama events, the Kenya schools and colleges drama festival, in the south of Sahara.

Although the government has not been very supportive of the film industry in Kenya, the country offers some of the most spectacular sceneries and can only be compared to South Africa in regard to producing some of the most talented actors and actresses on the African continent. Due to the nonchalant attitude and lack of enthusiasm exhibited by the government, the industry has remained considerably dormant whereby notable movies shot in the country have been few and far between. The most recent movie is the award winning The Constant Gardener Directed by Fernando Meirelles and Starring Ralph Fiennes and Rachel Weisz. Other films shot in Kenya in the recent past include the Academy Award winning Nowhere in Africa, Lara Croft Tomb Raider: The Cradle of Life and To Walk With Lions. Sheena,Queen of the Jungle won great acclaim in the 1980s and was the first foreign movie to be entirely shot on location in Kenya. Other highly acclaimed films set (and shot)in Kenya include Karen Blixen's Out of Africa, starring Robert Redford and Meryl Streep and directed by Sidney Pollack, and Born Free an adaptation of the autobiography of Joy Adamson. Notable film actors from Kenya include Paul Onsongo, John Sibi Okumu and Njeri Osak.

The Rise & Fall of Idi Amin, based on the Ugandan dictator, was shot in Kenya and is considered the most successful movie produced & directed by a Kenyan (Sharad Patel).

Acting for television has proved popular with the Kenyan audience. This genre of drama has been around from the 1960s when actors like Mzee Pembe and Mama Njeri graced the Kenyan television screen. Others, like Benson Wanjau and Mary Khabeele, followed later with their rib-cracking comedies presented exclusively in Kiswahili. Serious television drama was witnessed for the first time in the early 1990s with the entry of actors like Packson Ngugi and BMJ Muriithi. A new genre in the form of stand-up comedy followed with the entry of the group, 'Redikyulas', comprised of a trio of young Kenyans - Walter Mong'are, Tony Njuguna and John Kiare(KJ) - who specialised in political satire.They poked fun not only at the establishment but also at the then Kenyan President, Daniel Arap Moi. This was hitherto unheard of and could have led to their prosecution, or even detention without trial, had it been done in the 1980s, when mimicking the head of state or exhibiting any form of political dissent was considered treasonable.

Notes

  1. Constitution(1998)art. 53 "the official languages of the National Assembly shall be Swahili and English and the business of the National Assembly may be conducted in either or both languages."
  2. AFP ABC News, "Kenya's first dinosaur dig yields fossil wealth," ABC News Online, 2005-03-10, webpage: [1]

Corruption in Kenya

Political corruption in the post-colonial government of Kenya has had a history which spans the era of the Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi´s

 KANU governments to the Mwai Kibaki´s NARC government. In the Corruption Perceptions Index 2005 Kenya is ranked 144th out of 159 countries for corruption (least corrupt countries are at the top of the list). It is estimated the average urban Kenyan pays 16 bribes per month. Most of these bribes are fairly small but large ones are also taken — bribes worth over 50,000 Kenyan shillings (€600, USD$700) account for 41% of the total value. There is also corruption on a larger scale with each of the last two regimes being criticised for their involvement.[1]

  • The longest-running is the Goldenberg scandal [2], where the Kenyan government subsidised exports of gold, paying exporters in Kenyan Shillings (Sh) 35% over their foreign currency earnings. In this case, the gold was smuggled from Congo. The Goldenberg scandal cost Kenya the equivalent of more than 10% of the country's annual GDP.
  • In 1998, political scientist Mutahi Ngunyi's NGO - Series for Alternative Research in East Africa (SAREAT) engaged John Githongo to edit a regional political economy magazine, East African Alternatives[3]. The magazine folded after an audit instigated by the lead donor Ford Foundation found suspected misappropriation and collusion on the part of Ngunyi, who was executive director of SAREAT and Dr Jonathan Moyo, who was the programme officer at the Ford Foundation in charge of disbursing the resources to the NGO. They have both been sued and the matter is still in court. It is known that the Ford Foundation has accepted Githongo's offer to be a prosecution witness in the case.
  • A Sh360 million helicopter servicing contract in South Africa[4]. Military officers had argued that the contract was too extravagant and servicing the helicopters could be done locally. Kenya Air Force (KAF) went ahead to spend Sh108 million as a down payment for servicing the Puma helicopters, whose tail number is logged as 418 at Denel Aviation, a South African firm.
  • In 2003, the military was split over plans to buy new Czech fighter jets[4]. The plan to buy the jet fighters would have cost taxpayers Sh12.3 billion.
  • A Sh4.1 billion Navy ship deal [4]. A Navy project was given to Euromarine, a company associated with Anura Pereira, the tender awarded in a process that has been criticised as irregular. The tender was worth Sh4.1 billion. Military analysts say a similar vessel could have been built for Sh1.8 billion.
  • Chamanlal Kamani had been involved in a supply contract, as Kamsons Motors. [5] Kampsons tendered for the supply of Mahindra Jeeps to the Police Department in the mid 1990s for close to Sh1 million (US$13,000) each, at a time when showrooms would have charged customers a sixth of the price. Moreover, the vehicles were being bought for a government department and were therefore imported duty free. Few of the more than 1,000 units that were imported over several years are in service today.
  • The Kamani were also involved in a deal to build a CID forensic laboratory. On June 7, 2004 an amount of $4.7 million was wired back. The payment was a refund against the money paid for the Criminal Investigations Department forensic laboratory. [6]. Another Euro 5.2 million was paid back in respect of the E-cop project, which involved computerisation of the police force and the installation of spy cameras in Nairobi by Infotalent Systems Private Limited. [6]
  • The Prisons department lost $3 million after contracting Hallmark International, a company associated with Mr Deepak Kamani of Kamsons Motors, for the supply of 30 boilers. [5] Only half of the boilers were delivered – from India and not the United States as had been agreed.
  • The construction of Nexus, a secret military communication centre in Karen, Nairobi [4]. The Government spent Sh2.6 billion (US$36.9 million) to construct the complex. Three years later, military personnel have not moved into the centre. A phantom company, Nedermar BV Technologies, which is said to have its headquarters in Holland, implemented the secret project situated along Karen South Road. Nedermar is linked to businessman Anura Pereira. However, Pereira has denied this. The tendering process for the Nexus project was circumvented as DoD's Departmental Tender Committee. Funding for the project was made through the Ministry of Transport and Communications. The complex is currently headed by Colonel Philip Kameru. Nexus was first meant to be an ammunition dumpsite before it was turned into a military communication and operations centre. Construction continued without any site visits by either the DoD staff or Ministry of Public Works officials. The Nexus project was implemented during the tenure of General Joseph Kibwana.
  • In 2005 plans to buy a sophisticated £20 million passport equipment system from France [7] [8]. Here government wanted to replace its passport printing system. The transaction was originally quoted at 6 million Euros from François Charles Oberthur  of Paris - the world's leading supplier of Visa and MasterCards, but was awarded to a British firm, the Anglo-Leasing and Finance Company Limited, at 30 million Euros, who would have sub-contracted the same French firm to do the work. Despite the lack of competitive tendering Anglo Leasing was paid a "commitment fee" of more than £600,000. Anglo Leasing' sagent is a Liverpool-based firm, Saagar Associates, owned by a woman whose family has enjoyed close links with senior officials in the Moi regime. Company records show Saagar Associates is owned by Mrs Sudha Ruparell, a 47-year-old Kenyan woman. Mrs Ruparell is the daughter of Chamanlal Kamani, the 72-year-old multimillionaire patriarch of a business family which enjoyed close links with senior officials in the Moi regime. Anglo Leasing made a repayment of Euro 956,700 through a telegraphic transfer from Schroeder & Co Bank AG, Switzerland on May 17, 2004. [6]
  • The local chapter of Transparency International and the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR), a government body released a report in February, 2006, stating that between January 2003 and September 2004, the National Rainbow Coalition government spent about $12-million on cars that were mostly for the personal use of senior government officials[9]. The vehicles included 57 Mercedes Benzes, as well as Land Cruisers, Mitsubishi pajeros, Range Rovers, Nissan Terranos and Nissan Patrols. The $12-million substantially exceeded what the government spent over the 2003/04 financial year on controlling malaria -- "the leading cause of morbidity and mortality in Kenya", says the report.
  • In late February 2006, the leading newspaper The Standard ran a story claiming that president Mwai Kibaki and senior opposition figure Kalonzo Musyoka had been holding secret meetings. On March 2,at  1:00am local time (2200 UTC on the 1st), masked gunmen carrying AK-47s raided multiple editorial offices of The Standard, and of its television station KTN. They kicked and beat staff members, forcibly took computers and transmission equipment, burned all the copies of the March 2nd edition of the newspaper, and damaged the presses. At KTN, they shut down the power, putting the station off the air. Initially, the Kenyan information minister claimed no knowledge of the raid, but it has since revealed that Kenyan police were responsible. The Ministery of the Interior later stated that the incident was to safeguard state security. "If you rattle a snake you must be prepared to be bitten by it," John Michuki said. Three journalists at The Standard, arrested after the critical story was printed, are still being held without charge. [10] [11] The story now also features the bizarre case of two Armenian businessmen, mocked in the press for their taste for heavy gold chains, watches and rings, referred to as Mercenaries, who the opposition says led the raid and had shady dealings with Kibaki's government.[12]

Security contracts

Listed in Githongo's dossier[13] are a number of companies that won security-related contracts :-

Payee

Purpose

Amount (millions)

Signatories

Date signed

Anglo Leasing

Forensic LAB - CID

USD 54.56

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

16 August 2001

Silverson Establishment

Security Vehicles

USD 90

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

16 August 2001

Apex Finance

Police Security

USD 30

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

9 February 2002

LBA Systems

Security-MET

USD 35

PS-Treasury

7 June 2002

Apex Finance

Police Security

USD 31.8

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

14 June 2002

Universal Satspace

Satellite Services

USD 28.11

PS-Treasury
PS-Transport

11 July 2002

First Mechantile

Police Security

USD 11.8

PS-Treasury
PS-Transport

11 July 2002

Apex Finance Corp

Police Security

USD 12.8

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

12 July 2002

LBA Systems

Prison security

USD 29.7

PS-Treasury

19 November 2002

Nedemar

Security

USD 36.9

PS-Treasury
PS-Transport

19 November 2002

Midland Bank

Police security

USD 49.65

PS-Treasury

29 May 2003

Naviga Capital

Oceanographic vessel

EUR 26.6

PS-Treasury

15 July 2003

Empressa

Oceanographic vessel

EUR 15

PS-Treasury

15 July 2003

Euromarine

Oceanographic vessel

EUR 10.4

PS-Treasury

15 July 2003

Infotalent

Police security

EUR 59.7

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

19 November 2003

Apex Finance Corp

Police security

EUR 40

PS-Treasury
PS-Internal Security OP

17 December 2003

Ciaria Systems Inc

Design, maintain satellite NSIS

USD 44.56

PS Treasury
Director NSIS

20 January 2004

References

  1. Transparency International Kenya, Frequently Asked Questions. Accessed March 1, 2006.
  2. ^ Forensic accountants trace Goldenburg transaction (Corpwatch)
  3. ^ It’s high treason for Githongo (East African Standard)
  4. ^ a b c d New scandal hangs over Sh2.6b secret Army complex (East African Standard)
  5. ^ a b Kenya Graft Watchdog Set to Charge More Suspects
  6. ^ a b c When bogus firms wired back Sh1bn (Daily Nation)
  7. ^ report on the Anglo Leasing scandal (Guardian)
  8. ^ It's time to tell the Kenyan people the truth about the anglo-leasing corruption scandal (Transparency International)
  9. ^ Vehicle Saga Shows Parliament Has Few Budgetary Teeth (Inter Press Service News Agency)
  10.  BBC: Kenya admits armed raids on paper
  11.  Reuters: Leading media house shut down by armed men
  12. IOL Kibaki in trouble as parliament re-opens
  13.  Githongo's dossier
 


Stratfor (Estados Unidos)

 


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ver + notas
 
Center for the Study of the Presidency
Freedom House