There are too many unknowns to count in the Ukraine war. From the upcoming spring offensive to covert U.S. intelligence operations, mysteries abound. But perhaps none is more important than the question surrounding the Russian Ministry of Defense, its general staff, the Wagner Group and President Vladimir Putin’s place among them. This system of relationships has become even more complicated now that Ramzan Kadyrov, the head of Chechnya, has interfered and promised to replace Wagner in Bakhmut.
Moscow
enlisted Wagner when it was unable to decisively defeat Ukrainian forces on its
own. Wagner is a private military force, technically under contract with part
of the Russian government. The mercenaries it employs are commanded not by the
army but by a civilian. They number some 25,000 to 30,000 – slightly smaller
than Russia’s conventional armed forces but not dramatically so – and occupy
about 30 kilometers (19 miles) of the multiple thousand-kilometer-long
frontlines. And yet Wagner is the only contingent of Russian forces that
regularly advances on areas controlled by Ukraine.
Using
private militaries is hardly a new phenomenon, and Wagner has operated in the
Middle East and Africa for years. But what it is doing in Ukraine is unique.
Not only is it waging its own war, but it is also currently leading the battle
in Bakhmut.
The
mystery surrounding its relationship with the Russian military is evidenced by
a statement made last week by Wagner chief Yevgeny Prigozhin, who said that
“military bureaucrats” had deprived his forces of artillery and ammunition, and
that he is therefore withdrawing them from the area and handing Bakhmut over to
Russian conventional armed forces.
The
battle of Bakhmut has never gone well, but at this point, with the forces that
have already been lost in the fight, victory is less strategic than political.
For the Russians, losing or abandoning the battle would send the wrong signal
to the enemy and its population. But the regular Russian army was not able to
impose its will on Bakhmut and in general has not been able to break Ukrainian
forces. Introducing Wagner there served several purposes. It increased the size
of the force that could be deployed, and it brought in a ruthless force with
plausible deniability.
In that
sense, cutting off artillery and other ammunition makes absolutely no sense.
(There is a hint of confirmation from Moscow that it did, but Ukrainian
military reports suggest artillery fire hasn’t let up.) Even if Russia believed
cutting off Wagner made military sense, allowing the leader to sound off like
this doesn’t. Militaries and their political masters disagree all the time, but
a rift this visible is rare.
The
mystery, then, is two-fold. Why would the general staff want to cripple Wagner?
And why would it do it so publicly? There were financial and technical steps
that could have prevented it from happening. For it to have come this far, a malfunction
must have occurred at either the senior staff or the ministry level.
If it is
deliberate, what could it mean? It could be meant to stop a coup that Wagner
might have planned, but a drone might have done a better job. It could be a
plan by elements in the government aligned with Wagner to try to demonstrate
that the Ukraine war is being lost, or at least not won, by the Russian
command. If the view was held that the senior command and the ministers are
losing the war, then advertising their irrationality through Wagner would make
sense, potentially adding to any movement to remove them. If Putin felt that
the current command was failing, but that too many senior officers supported it
for it to be removed, this memo from Wagner would be an excellent tool to make
the point. (That is, unless the point is to show that Putin has lost control of
the situation.)
For now,
this is all academic, if still important. The Kremlin appears to have given in
to Prigozhin’s demands, and it seems as though Wagner will stay in Bakhmut.
Moreover, Gen. Sergey Surovikin, whom Prigozhin described as the only capable
general in the Russian army, has been appointed to liaise between Russia and
the mercenaries.
But no
matter how this plays out, the war is a fundamentally political problem. It has
not gone as expected, and no effective alliance has emerged to change that
fact. In this situation, one must either mount a massive offensive, the
government and Wagner working side by side, or prepare for a negotiation as
favorable as possible – one that absolves the emerging leadership of any
wrongdoing.
***George
Friedman is an internationally recognized geopolitical forecaster and
strategist on international affairs and the founder and chairman of
Geopolitical Futures.
Dr.
Friedman is also a New York Times bestselling author. His most recent book, THE
STORM BEFORE THE CALM: America’s Discord, the Coming Crisis of the 2020s, and
the Triumph Beyond, published February 25, 2020 describes how “the United
States periodically reaches a point of crisis in which it appears to be at war
with itself, yet after an extended period it reinvents itself, in a form both
faithful to its founding and radically different from what it had been.” The
decade 2020-2030 is such a period which will bring dramatic upheaval and
reshaping of American government, foreign policy, economics, and culture.


His most
popular book, The Next 100 Years, is kept alive by the prescience of its
predictions. Other best-selling books include Flashpoints: The Emerging Crisis
in Europe, The Next Decade, America’s Secret War, The Future of War and The
Intelligence Edge. His books have been translated into more than 20 languages.
Dr.
Friedman has briefed numerous military and government organizations in the
United States and overseas and appears regularly as an expert on international
affairs, foreign policy and intelligence in major media. For almost 20 years
before resigning in May 2015, Dr. Friedman was CEO and then chairman of
Stratfor, a company he founded in 1996. Friedman received his bachelor’s degree
from the City College of the City University of New York and holds a doctorate
in government from Cornell University.
https://geopoliticalfutures.com/author/gfriedman/
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