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06/07/2006 | USA-The GOP Challenge: Retaining Religious Voters

Stratfor Staff

The Rev. Jim Wallis, editor of Sojourners magazine, hosted a conference in Washington in late June for liberal religious activists who are looking for a stronger political voice in American politics.

 

The "Pentecost 2006" conference focused on issues relating to poverty, and implicitly sought to identify ways to reignite a "religious left" -- though participants avoided the phrase -- and to recast what they view as the popular misconception that religious people, and especially Christians, are monolithically conservative and Republican.

Through conferences and a number of other tactics, liberal religious groups are attempting to reach out to evangelical conservatives -- looking for common ground on political issues and attempting to generate a more united religious bloc on certain fronts. Regardless, the primary goal is to break the powerful hold of the Republican Party on religious activists -- and doing this requires drawing clear lines between the rank-and-file evangelicals and the leadership of the "religious right."

The political offensive by liberal churches is well-timed, and its potential for success raises a number of problems for the Republican Party. Most important is the possibility that conservative evangelicals will break from their traditional leadership. If that occurs, the strong links the party has built with evangelical leaders no longer will equate to evangelicals voting with the GOP as a unitary bloc. This, of course, could pose a tremendous threat to the Republican Party's chances for success in 2008, since the GOP relies on the high voter turnout that is traditional with conservative Christians.

If the religious right splits into different groups, the Republican Party will have a decision to make: whether to focus on issues of concern to the religious right as priorities change at the grassroots level, or whether to carve out political space that captures as many religious voters as possible while holding on to existing constituencies and reaching out to new ones. The second option -- which would involve overtures to voter groups such as Latinos and African-Americans, for example -- was much easier before the immigration debate opened the party to criticism that it is "anti-immigrant" or "anti-Latino."

Historically, most political parties facing these situations have had room to maneuver toward the middle as elections approached, but the war in Iraq complicates such a move for the GOP. This has, of course, been a highly divisive issue, and the Republicans recognize that they cannot ignore or marginalize it in election campaigns. Instead, their only option is to acknowledge and put the best face possible on the conflict, embracing it as a key electoral issue for the next two years. There is little upside in this. The Iraq issue is highly unlikely to bring voters to the party in 2006 and 2008 who did not side with the GOP in 2004 -- and that makes keeping Christian conservatives in the Republican camp all the more imperative for the party.

Significantly, however, the war is but one issue on which rank-and-file religious voters are not necessarily aligned with the political leadership on the right. On poverty, environmental concerns, and social issues such as fighting famine and AIDS, there appear to be widening gaps between the voters on one side and conservative and political leaders on the other. However important the loyalty of the religious voting base might be for the GOP, its ability to command that loyalty is no longer a foregone conclusion.

Challenging the Religious Right

The timing of the "religious left" campaign is auspicious. Conservative evangelicals are beginning to
show the strains evident in most political movements after several years in power: The idealists are frustrated that winning power has not brought the political change they thought likely, while realists are frustrated by the administration's political missteps -- which have cost it the ability to bring about what they consider to be important policy changes. For different reasons, both the idealists and the realists agree that the Bush administration has not done all it could to help promote Christian causes.

Into this mix comes the additional concern among many on the religious right that their leadership has become ossified in Washington's power circles, and increasingly seems to be out of touch with the grassroots. In essence, many rank-and-file evangelical Christians claim that the leaders have stuck with the priorities that won them power and influence, rather than changing with the times or in tandem with their supporters' priorities. As a result, the gap between the leadership and voters of the religious right is growing.

The leaders of the liberal religious organizations and denominations recognize this. As a result, the next six months are likely to bring a flurry of books, seminars and conferences -- such as Pentecost 2006 -- that are intended to capitalize on the differences within the evangelical right, to recruit religious liberals to political activism and to neutralize the Republican Party's claim to religious voters to the greatest extent possible.

The religious right appears to be defending against this trend. In recent weeks, conservative Christian organizations have begun to focus on controversies within liberal church groups and within mainline Protestant denominations. The current battles in the Episcopal Church in the United States over homosexual priests and bishops have become a story within the religious right about the corrupting influence of liberal values on religious organizations. On July 5, for instance, the home page of the American Family Association carried three stories containing criticism of mainline Protestant denominations -- the United Methodist Church, Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) and Episcopal Church -- for taking liberal positions on issues such as homosexuality and abortion.

The Republican Party, on the other hand, appears to be in a far more difficult position. The power wielded by religious conservatives worries many moderates in the GOP and is seen as an impediment to Republicans' winning the consistent support of independents. At the same time, reaching out to shore up any faltering support from the religious right would be dangerous; any active courting of this base can be used by opponents to argue that the party is "captive" to the religious right. As a result, while the Democratic Party's prospective candidates for 2008 can rail, without controversy, against what they call the religious right's influence over the Republican Party leadership, Republican leaders cannot reach out to those same religious conservatives. Further complicating things, Republican leaders would have great difficulty criticizing the influence of liberal churches among the Democrats without simultaneously raising the sensitive issue of the power of churches in the GOP.

Changing Priorities

The care with which the GOP must treat members of the religious right is largely a problem of circumstance -- a dilemma that Democrats have faced with many constituent groups for decades. At the same time, a major misalignment appears to be building between the Republican Party and conservative evangelical leaders on one hand and grassroots religious conservatives on the other.

The result is that the ties between the mainstream religious right and the Republican Party are strained. Conservative evangelicals sense that the party is doing the least possible to achieve the faction's goals while still commanding the support of its voters. This was a tenable strategy when the religious right's leaders and membership were in agreement on priorities, strategies and tactics, but it becomes a liability as the approaches of the leadership and grassroots diverge.

The decision by the organizers of Pentecost 2006 to focus on poverty obviously stemmed from a number of strategic considerations. Not only is poverty an
emerging issue for relief and human rights organizations, but issues related to it appeal equally to the religious left and the religious right. A focus on poverty allows Christians to come together across party lines -- lines that are becoming ever less important to religious conservatives -- and to cement new alliances and affiliations outside the confines of political party labels.

Visit an evangelical congregation, and concern about poverty is omnipresent. Moreover, it is the primary focus of the ministry of the Rev. Franklin Graham and other less politically focused evangelical leaders. However, a quick scan of the Web sites of the most politically influential conservative evangelical organizations will not produce a hit on the word "poverty" on the home page, nor does the word appear on the home page of the GOP.

Similarly, famine relief and AIDS -- issues that both conservative and liberal evangelical Christian camps share as priority concerns -- are not to be found in the communications of the GOP or leading conservative Christian groups. Even the White House Web site places HIV/AIDS far from the central flow of traffic, though the administration's record on the issue is considered by almost all observers to be quite good.

Environmental protection is emerging as another issue where the GOP's and religious right's most high profile leadership appear to agree, while evangelicals are drifting to the left. The notion of stewardship and "care for creation" is resonating more and more among evangelicals, and this is being seen in increased support among Christian conservatives for more strict environmental regulation, organic agriculture and action on global climate change. So far, the White House, Congress and many leading conservative evangelical leaders appear not to notice this growing sentiment.

The divergence on issues such as famine, AIDS, poverty and the environment could be used by opponents of any stripe as evidence that the Republican Party indeed is not speaking for religious conservatives. Moreover, these divergences likely will add to the sense among active members of the religious right that the Republican Party has not delivered, and will not, on their priorities. Increasingly, they are likely to view many of their leaders as having been snared by the siren song of power in Washington and to view the administration as having exploited the religious right's grassroots network and support without a real dedication to the issues they view as important. In fact, it ultimately may be only the emotional issue of abortion that acts as a litmus test for loyalties and prevents religious voters from joining with the Democrats in politically meaningful numbers.

The shift in the relationship of the religious right to its national leadership and to the Republican Party will not occur overnight, but change appears inevitable. The vast majority of the politically active evangelicals will not become affiliated with the Democratic Party, and they are unlikely even to support many Democratic candidates. But they are increasingly unlikely to be Republicans either, particularly as the GOP donors and leaders press for the nomination of Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., as a presidential candidate in 2008.

The changes will emerge slowly -- not before the November elections, but certainly before 2008. How the Republican Party reacts to this shift will frame much of American politics for the decade that follows.

Stratfor (Estados Unidos)

 



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